The 32,000 Problem: Exposing Digital Gender Violence in Italy
The Facebook group "Mia moglie" (My Wife in Italian) represents a deeply troubling example of online violence against women that persisted unchallenged for six years before finally being shut down by platform moderators. With a substantial membership base exceeding 32,000 individuals—remarkably, 6,000 of whom joined within just the previous week—the group evolved into a dangerous digital environment where men could anonymously share and distribute photographs of women, frequently without obtaining any form of consent. The content shared within this community varied in origin; while numerous images were misappropriated photographs of professional models or artificially generated using AI technology, a significant portion appeared to be genuine personal photographs of ordinary women captured in private moments. These posts deliberately highlighted intimate body parts and were invariably accompanied by explicitly sexual commentary that objectified and dehumanized the subjects.
Even more concerning were the numerous photographs depicting women in everyday, vulnerable situations—while sleeping, in the process of changing clothes, shopping at local establishments, or relaxing at the beach—which were subsequently subjected to particularly vulgar comments that frequently celebrated and normalized sexual violence, including rape. Throughout the group, men consistently presented their wives as possessions or property they controlled and owned, with fellow group members responding with increasingly violent sexual fantasies and disturbing comments such as "I know exactly what I would do to her," "Rare merchandise worth taking," "I would rape her without hesitation," and "If you're not going to have sex with her, I'll come over and do it myself." This disturbing case vividly illustrates the problematic and often indistinguishable boundary between voyeuristic behavior and genuine violence, particularly in contexts where the absence of consent is deliberately highlighted and celebrated as an exciting element that serves to reinforce and validate traditional structures of male dominance and hegemony.
Public Outcry and Response
The exposure of the "Mia Moglie" Facebook group began with writer Carolina Capria, who first brought attention to it on her Instagram page @lhascrittounafemmina. She revealed the disturbing nature of this 32,000-member group, where men were "exchanging intimate photos of their wives to explicitly comment on their appearance and voice their sexual fantasies." As Capria highlighted, many of these women were "often unaware they were being photographed to become prey of virtual rape."
Despite early reports from Capria and the feminist collective "No justice no peace" on Instagram, Meta's response was significantly delayed. It took over 24 hours after the case gained widespread media attention across thousands of Italian social media accounts before action was taken. Finally, around lunchtime the following day, Meta removed the "Mia Moglie" group, citing "violation of our policies against sexual exploitation of adults." In their statement, the company explained: "We do not allow content that threatens or promotes sexual violence, sexual abuse, or sexual exploitation on our platforms. If we become aware of content that incites or supports rape, we can disable the groups and accounts that publish it and share this information with law enforcement."
The removal came after mounting pressure, including from Democratic Party (PD) parliamentarians on the Femicide and Violence Commission, who released a joint statement that morning demanding action: "Enough tolerance of sexism and violence against women on social media, otherwise it's complicity. We find the existence of these misogynistic chats shocking and unacceptable, reflecting a culture of possession and oppression that ignores women's consent."
In an official statement, the Democratic Party emphasized that this case "is not an isolated episode" but rather "the umpteenth proof of structural digital violence that has its roots in the same patriarchal culture of domination that allowed Gisèle Pélicot to be raped for ten years, starting precisely from an online group similar to this one." They further argued that "supporting, tolerating or underestimating similar forms of digital violence means being complicit in a rape culture that survives through the centuries and continues to affect women and girls."
The Legal Framework
Italian law provides several layers of protection against the unauthorized sharing of personal images: The Italian Civil Code (Article 10) prohibits distributing photos and images without consent, especially when sharing could damage the subject's dignity or reputation. Copyright Law (Article 96) explicitly states that "A person's portrait cannot be displayed, reproduced, or commercialized without their consent," with few exceptions. From a criminal standpoint, Article 615bis on "Illicit Interference in Private Life" penalizes "anyone who, through visual or audio recording devices, improperly obtains news or images relating to private life occurring in places indicated in Article 614 of the Criminal Code (residence or private dwelling), as well as anyone who reveals or disseminates such news or images without the consent of those concerned." These cases require a formal complaint from the victim for prosecution to proceed.
The PD party's statement also emphasized legal considerations: "European regulations and the Privacy Authority's Guidelines are clear: illegal content must be removed, and platform-owning companies must intervene promptly to protect individuals' privacy." It concluded with a call for broader social change: "These phenomena must be countered at the root with the initiation of a process of male self-awareness which, unfortunately, is slow to manifest itself in a significant form and to aggregate into a collective movement of liberation."
Digital Rape Culture: A Systemic Problem
The "Mia Moglie" Facebook group represents just one manifestation of a pervasive online rape culture that continues to grow across digital platforms. This incident connects to a broader pattern of gender-based violence that transcends virtual boundaries.
In January 2025, the German program STRG_F exposed a Telegram chat with 70,000 men exchanging advice on how to sexually assault women. As journalist Jennifer Guerra wrote in TheWom: "If each euro coin corresponded to one man and we tried to stack them, we would create a seven-meter tower. If each step corresponded to one man, we would walk fifty-six kilometers."
The Gisèle Pélicot case demonstrates how online misogyny directly enables physical violence. As activist Carolina Capria noted, "The Gisele Pelicot case isn't an anomaly in the system. A man convinced he can dispose of his wife, for whom sexuality is inextricably linked to domination, is the system. This is how we educate men—to identify with a masculinity that conquers, storms, and occupies. I can't stop thinking about what it means for a woman to discover she's been shared in such a group, exchanged, put on display, and handed over."
Despite dozens of users publicly citing regulations and filing reports with the postal police, anonymous group members remained undeterred. Instead, the situation escalated into "a real battle of insults" between those threatening exposure and those responding with sexist epithets.
The question of accountability remains crucial. While Meta can remove offending content, identifying anonymous users requires legal intervention. Under current Italian law, authorities can request user data from Meta with a court order, but the process is often slow and complex. Some legal experts suggest that members of these groups could face charges related to defamation, privacy violations, and potentially incitement to violence, with sentences ranging from monetary fines to imprisonment. However, successful prosecution depends on identifying perpetrators and gathering sufficient evidence, a challenge that highlights the need for stronger legal frameworks specifically addressing digital gender-based violence.
Even after Meta removed the group, the victory proved temporary. As reported on the 'no justice no peace' Instagram profile, users immediately identified a "reserve" group forming and a new Telegram channel opening—both subsequently reported to the postal police, highlighting how these harmful communities simply migrate to new platforms when shut down.
Inadequate Responses to Digital Gender Violence
Despite growing awareness about online gender-based violence, institutional and technological responses remain largely ineffective. The "Mia Moglie" case highlights several critical failures in current approaches:
Social media platforms consistently fail to act promptly and effectively against harmful content. As reported by Elle Italy, "The reality is very different. Social platforms struggle to intervene effectively and in a timely manner." Meta's eventual removal of the "Mia Moglie" group came only after significant public pressure, demonstrating reactive rather than proactive moderation.
Current tools for protecting victims are both inadequate and poorly publicized. Many affected individuals are unaware of existing protection mechanisms, leaving them vulnerable even when theoretical safeguards exist. As Carolina Capria noted, "The tools we have are insufficient, as demonstrated by the fact that this group was active for seven years despite various reports to the postal police."
When platforms do take action, the effect is often temporary—harmful communities simply migrate elsewhere or reform under different names. The Elle report confirms that "even when a group is closed, new ones continue to emerge with the same dynamics and purposes," creating a pervasive sense of helplessness.
Italy specifically lacks structured prevention and awareness programs that recognize gender-based violence in all its forms as a culturally rooted phenomenon. This absence of comprehensive educational approaches leaves the underlying causes unaddressed.
Capria emphasizes that truly effective solutions must be cultural, not merely punitive: "The tools to address violence are cultural, never punitive, so we are still not doing what we should by beginning to talk about education on respect, affectivity, and sexuality with children." This points to the need for early intervention and comprehensive education that addresses the root causes of gender-based violence.
Women who report online violence often face disbelief, victim-blaming, or have their complaints dismissed, creating a cycle of secondary victimization that discourages reporting and reinforces impunity for perpetrators.
Conclusion: Beyond ‘Not All Men’
The "Mia Moglie" case illustrates how digital spaces have become a fertile ground for gender-based violence. Moving forward requires going beyond defensive responses like "not all men" to address the systemic nature of the problem.
Countering rape culture demands collective action rather than individual disavowal. Behind every perpetrator is not a monster but an "uomo comune" – an ordinary man. This reality calls for widespread acknowledgment that gender violence is a societal problem requiring everyone's engagement.
While masculine solidarity is evident in displays of toxic masculinity, there is a notable absence of similar solidarity when it comes to condemning symbolic or actual violence against women. The contrast between the chorus of voices participating in harmful behavior and the silence in opposition reveals a troubling imbalance in collective male consciousness.
The judicial system itself often perpetuates violence by archiving reports or subjecting women to secondary victimization when they do come forward. Many women choose not to report at all, internalizing trauma as "something that happened" rather than a crime requiring justice.
Making digital spaces safe requires proactive rather than reactive measures. This means developing stronger platform policies, implementing more effective content moderation, and creating cultural shifts that recognize and reject misogynistic content before it proliferates.
Rather than defensively responding with "not all men," a more productive approach is for men to actively participate in dismantling rape culture through education, intervention, and allyship. Only through the development of "a solid and emerging male consciousness against rape culture" can meaningful change occur.
If any of your photos or videos have been posted on the internet without your consent, here is a guide to help remove and suppress this material.
References:
ANSA. 2025. ‘Insulti e Commenti Sessisti e Violenti, Meta Rimuove Il Gruppo Facebook “Mia Moglie”’. https://www.ansa.it/canale_tecnologia/notizie/web_social/2025/08/20/meta-rimuove-il-gruppo-mia-moglie-per-violazione-policy_3a41487e-56d8-431b-9a7d-07b6ca4afdee.html.
Bridges, Jennifer. 2016. The Definitive Guide to Getting Embarrassing Photos off the Internet. March 21. https://www.reputationdefender.com/blog/orm/definitive-guide-getting-embarrassing-photos-internet.
Il Fatto Quotidiano. 2025. ‘Dopo Migliaia Di Segnalazioni, Meta Chiude Il Gruppo Facebook “Mia Moglie”: 32mila Iscritti Si Scambiavano Foto Di Donne’. August 20. https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2025/08/20/gruppo-mia-moglie-facebook-meta-chiuso-notizie/8099757/.
Il Partito Democratico. 2025. ‘Il Gruppo “Mia Moglie” è Il Segno Della Cultura Del Dominio’. August 20. https://partitodemocratico.it/violenza-donne-pd-gruppo-mia-moglie-segno-cultura-dominio/.
Information for Law Enforcement Authorities. 2025. https://www.meta.com/en-gb/safety/communities/law/guidelines/.
Moro, Elisabetta. 2025. ‘Il Caso (e La Violenza) Del Gruppo Facebook “Mia Moglie” Non Finisce Con l’intervento Di Meta’. Elle Italia, August 21. https://www.elle.com/it/magazine/women-in-society/a65829675/gruppo-facebook-mia-moglie-chiuso-condivisione-foto-violenza/.
Somma Caiati, Nadia. 2025. ‘L’ennesimo Gruppo Facebook Dove Coltivare Fantasie Di Violenza: Un’altra Prova Della Cultura Dello Stupro’. Il Fatto Quotidiano, August 21. https://www.ilfattoquotidiano.it/2025/08/20/mia-moglie-gruppo-pagina-facebook-stupro-violenza/8088844/.
About the author:
Eileen Taylor is a dedicated freelance Project Coordinator with a focus on human rights and Co-Director at Politics4Her Europe Hub. She has a Master's degree in Human Rights Law from SOAS, University of London. She excels in conducting thorough research, communicating effectively through various media, and managing projects for optimal impact. Passionate about advocating through an intersectional feminist perspective, she is deeply involved in human rights initiatives.
