Examining the Influence of Feminist Perspectives on Transitional Justice Mechanisms

Transitional justice consists of a broad range of processes and mechanisms aimed at addressing the challenges arising from a history of widespread abuses. It applies when a society has  suffered a conflict or a permanent status of violences with the purpose to hold perpetrators accountable, uphold justice, and mainly to achieve reconciliation within society. It is not a  specific form of justice, it adapts to the specific context and its mechanisms hold transformative potential to ensure justice for all citizens. However, historically, transitional justice  mechanisms have failed to address women's experiences adequately.  Women often endure  direct forms of violence, such as sexual violence, domestic and sexual servitude, forced  displacement, and coerced marriage. Additionally, and really important, they face greater  difficulties in rebuilding their lives after a conflict because of deeply rooted gender norms and traditional roles in society. These norms typically impede women's access to property, land, employment opportunities, as well as essential health and education services. Hence, during these challenging periods, women face additional structural forms of violence that are completely disregarded. 

Despite this, transitional justice initiatives have not always prioritized addressing the gendered dimensions of both direct and structural violence. To overcome this problem, women in these  processes need to be visible, and recognized not just as victims but as active agents in  peacemaking, decision-making, and societal reconstruction, both during and after the conflict period. For this reason, feminist contemporary research emphasizes the need to examine and address gender-related issues during transitional phases and highlights the fundamental role that transitional justice mechanisms can play in promoting and achieving gender equality in post-conflict settings

Over the recent years, several feminist research have emerged to challenge the field of  transitional justice. Specifically, intersectionality theory which combines empirical and  discursive dimensions of gendered identities, and enables exploration of structural inequalities  experienced by social groups. This intersectionality provides a holistic overview by  combining different feminist theories, such as radical feminism, queer theory, and postcolonial theory, among others. The main focus is on addressing structural issues, as opposed to liberal  theories that do not promote long-lasting changes. These new studies aim not only to reassess the fundamental assumptions behind transitional justice and its related mechanisms, but also to explore how they can advance feminist justice and women’s rights in post-conflict and post-authoritarian contexts. 

Additionally, these feminist approaches call for justice that goes beyond legal redress, advocating for deep, structural change at the grassroots level. Thus, feminist perspectives are important for several reasons: they confront the gendered nature of human rights violations, expose the structural inequalities that enable such violence, and emphasize the transformative potential of women’s full participation in transitional justice processes.

This article is structured in three main parts. The first section analyses the multiple forms of violence experienced by women. It distinguishes between violence in the public and private spheres and challenges the notion of women as passive victims, advocating instead for a broader understanding of violence as a continuum. The second section examines various transitional justice mechanisms through a feminist perspective, focusing on how theoretical concepts can inform practical, context-specific approaches to achieving gender justice. The final section brings together the key arguments, acknowledges the limitations of the analysis, and outlines recommendations for future research and action.

The aim of this work is to provide a comprehensive overview of feminist approaches within the field of transitional justice. It highlights the urgent need to integrate gender perspectives into post-conflict processes, an area that remains underexplored despite its critical importance. In doing so, it emphasizes the transformative potential of transitional justice when it addresses structural inequalities and prioritizes gender equality as a central component of sustainable peace building.

  1. Theoretical Framework: The Feminist Lens in Transitional Justice 

1.1 Exploring Gender and Feminist Theory 

Gender is an emerging and expanding area of study within transitional justice scholarship and practice worldwide, encompassing various disciplines, geographical regions, and methodological approaches. Gender cannot be defined as binary and stable, it is a social  structure that shapes the experiences and behaviours of individuals, influencing from family dynamics to broader cultural norms. Over the past fifteen years, there have been some efforts  to incorporate gender perspectives into transitional justice frameworks. These efforts respond to the historical oversight of women's experiences during and post-conflict, originating inherent biases within legislation, human rights paradigms, and operational mechanisms of transitional justice.  

This article will rely upon the feminist theory, since it provides a framework to analyse women’s violence, justice, and reconciliation. Particularly, it will follow a contemporary feminist scholarship because it explores the evolution of feminist thought, acknowledging how each wave of feminism has influenced the movement's current beliefs and strategies. By analysing the contributions and shortcomings of  each wave, contemporary feminism can build on previous achievements and tackle persistent issues. 

This article will mostly employ intersectionality theory because it examines how various forms of social stratifications, such as race, gender, and class, intersect and interlace to produce unique dynamics and outcomes. Women’s experiences cannot be understood by looking at gender alone, but must be examined considering how various forms of oppression interconnect. Recognizing these  intersections is crucial for developing feminist theories and practices that address the  manifold and overlapping natures of discrimination and inequality. 

1.2. Feminist Justice in Transitional Societies: Bridging the Gap

Feminist theory provides the intellectual basis and critical tools necessary for understanding  the complexities of gender inequality. Furthermore, feminist justice uses these theoretical  insights to create tangible changes in society. This type of justice is important because it aims to build an environment where people of all genders have equal opportunities, promoting a more just and inclusive society.

Transitional justice provides a framework designed to address human rights abuses in societies transitioning from repression or conflict to a more peaceful and stable state. Its goal is not only to repair the immediate damages, but also to rebuild trust in the community. Therein, transitional justice handles widespread or systematic human rights violations, endeavouring to  achieve victim recognition and promote reconciliation. It adapts principles of justice to support societies when transitioning from periods of extensive human rights abuses to periods of reconciliation, rather than being a unique form of justice. Feminist justice integrates intersection with transitional justice by redefining the concept of peace. Instead of just aiming to stop violence (negative peace), feminist justice strives to create positive peace. Positive peace means building and maintaining systems and structures that allow peaceful societies to thrive, ensuring long-term stability and equity.

Feminist approaches in transitional justice have brought to light several areas in which women have been disproportionately affected and consistently rendered invisible. This article has categorized these concerns into four main areas: (1) Different types of violences; (2) Violence  as a continuum; (3) Dichotomy public/private; (4) Empowering Women: Beyond Victims to Active Agents.

1.2.1. The Many Faces of Violence: Feminist Approaches to Understanding and Redress in Transitional Justice 

Feminist approaches in transitional justice emphasize the need to recognize the diverse type of  violence women experience during societal transformations. Indeed, women are impacted by  conflict differently, necessitating a broader view of justice. Early feminist movements in the 1990s focused on the “recognition of harms”, campaigning for the criminal accountability of  perpetrators of sexual violence, which was often overlooked legally. Transnational feminist  activism during conflicts like the Balkans accentuated the need to prohibit, prevent, and punish  violence against women. This type of activism advocated for legal recognition of rape in conflict as a form of torture, crimes against humanity and genocide. 

Beyond sexual violence, intersectional feminist argue that transitional justice must encompass the entire range of suffering that women experience, including exclusion, marginalization, and discrimination. This point of view emphasizes the importance of acknowledging and  addressing various forms of violence beyond sexual crimes to include structural and systemic injustices. Structural violence in this context involves identifying and examining the sociocultural, economic, and political systems that cause economical, social, physical, sexual, and psychological violence against women.

Intersectional feminists critique the prevailing legal paradigms that prioritize civil and political  rights, typically referring to men as direct victims. It calls for the recognition of economic,  social, and cultural rights, which are crucial for addressing structural violence. By  implementing this approach, transitional justice has the potential to better erode entrenched  power dynamics, prevent future harm, and advance feminist justice.

1.2.2. Perpetual Shadows: Feminist Perspectives on the Continuity of Violence 

After recognizing and addressing the specific types of violence, feminist approaches observed that women's subordinate status in society has profound implications for transitional justice processes. While both women and men may endure similar violations during and after conflict, the impact on women is largely determined by their pre-existing socio-economic and legal  status within patriarchal societies. This continuum of violence shows ongoing discrimination and marginalization before, during, and after conflict. With that in mind, taking into account  structural gender inequalities has become a key focus of contemporary feminist involvement in transitional justice.  

Furthermore, feminist justice also puts into question the war-peace dichotomy, elucidating that for many women, the end of conflict does not equate to peace but rather a prolongation of violence in alternate forms. In addition, decolonization theory challenges the assumption that  the enforcement of Western feminist models in other cultural contexts is appropriate. This is  especially pertinent in light of the fact that liberal democracies continue to struggle with their  own examples of gender inequality. This underlines the need to take culture into account, and to respect and adapt transitional justice to each context, avoiding paternalistic and racist approaches.

In summary, describing violence as a continuum underlines two main points: first, gender  inequalities are deeply rooted and not just products of conflict; second, achieving positive peace requires confronting these intrinsic inequalities and transforming both structures and cultural  norms. This approach ensures that transitional justice is not only about addressing past abuses, but also about creating lasting change.

1.2.3. Unpacking the Public/Private Dichotomy with Feminist Insights 

The foundational work of Charlesworth, Chinkin, and Wright in the early 1990s expounds on  broader feminist theories that reprove the male-centric perspective inherent in many legal  frameworks, especially concerning the public/private divide. This dichotomy prioritizes the  public sphere while forgetting the private realm, where significant gendered violence occurs. Traditional views in transitional justice often adopt a top-down approach, envisioning formal  equality and limited representative democracy as the ultimate goals. However, these  frameworks in established liberal democracies frequently fall short, as women remain marginalized  in political arenas and gender disparities persist across social, economic, and cultural  dimensions. The liberal distinction between public and private spheres, not only leaves many  forms of gender-based violence unpunished, but also perpetuates the marginalization of women by ignoring the interconnected nature of public and private inequalities.  

Recognizing abuses in the private sphere without discrimination, adding them in the reporting process, and adapting legal structures where women can raise their voices and tell their experiences are important measures to address these forms of violence. These reforms would help to reduce the gap between public and private spheres, ensuring that efforts for gender equality are complete and attend to the root causes of inequality and violence against women. 

1.2.4. Empowering Women in Transitional Justice: Beyond Victims to Active Agents 

Another approach within feminist scholarship is the recognition that emphasizing women's  sexual victimization further marginalizes their roles as political agents in post-conflict  societies. Women in conflict settings are not solely victims, they are also survivors, resisters,  combatants, and political activists. It is crucial to realize that women in these situations do not exclusively identify themselves based on their victimization, yet international criminal law often recognizes them only as victims. This new approach rejects the “essentialism” that  categorizes women solely as victims and advocates for transforming these narratives.

Research shows that whilst important, the attention directed at sexual and gender-based  violence (SGBV) detracts focus from other forms of gendered violence that occur. In 2018,  SGBV accounted for approximately 90% of the references to women’s rights in reports on  transitional peace processes. While it is significant to address sexual violence, the narrative to  focus just on women as victims reduces women to mere sexual beings, reinforcing perceptions  of passivity and silencing other aspects of their experiences. The narrow focus on sexual  violence distracts the attention from wider systemic challenges such as unequal socioeconomic  rights and gender-based violence after war, in this way reinforcing rather than challenging  gender stereotypes. A key strategy proposed by feminists is to actively involve women in the  transitional justice process. This means placing women in decision-making roles, including  them in crafting agreements and shaping the legal system. In doing so, it would be possible to address the violences women endure without subjecting them to revictimization. When  women lead these processes, it not only changes perspective but also reflects the role women  have to place in society. After examining the multiple issues where women have been disproportionately affected, the next section will explore how transitional justice mechanisms could be designed to address these issues from a feminist perspective. 

2. Enacting Change: The Operationalization of Feminist Approaches  in Justice Mechanisms

In this part, this article attends to operationalizing certain concepts and ideas in practical, actionable ways, which involves taking theoretical concepts into actions that  can be applied in real contexts. A useful approach for conceptualizing transformative gender justice and developing practical implementation strategies is Nancy Fraser’s model of trivalent  justice, which advocates for 'justice against structures' of inequality. The attainment of gender justice entails the  realization of three interconnected elements: recognition, redistribution and representation. Recognition is the need to recognize, value, and validate women’s conflict experiences beyond victimization. Redistribution’s process ought to foster an equitable  distribution of economic resources for both men and women. Finally, representation intends to  encompass the active involvement of women in peace building processes (internal  representation) as well as national, political, and economic life (external representation). In  the following sections, the main focus will lie on the main transitional justice mechanisms: reparations, guarantees of non-repetition, truth commissions, and women’s  participation in order to achieve Nancy Fraser’s model.  

2.1 Reparations 

Reparations aim to restore victims to their pre-violation state, an inherently unachievable goal. Through this mechanism, it would be possible to achieve redistribution by ensuring that  economic resources are fairly distributed between men and women. Reparations have two  main goals: they address past harms and help reintegrate individuals into society. Furthermore, the goal of reparations is to acknowledge the harm, establish responsibility and  adopt measures that can contribute towards redress materially, symbolically and morally. As  the Nairobi Declaration on Women’s and Girls’ Right to a Remedy and Reparation (2007)  states, reparations must address the political and structural inequalities affecting women’s and  girls' lives. However, many reparation programs have neglected women's specific needs,  particularly regarding reproductive violence and socio-economic violations. Gender-sensitive  reparations programs are crucial in post-conflict transitions and can transform women's lives.  Therefore, it is essential to avoid gender discrimination in the design and implementation of  such programs. Achieving due recognition for survivors involves four steps: recognizing rights violations, state acknowledgement of responsibility, recognizing resulting harms, and  providing aid to subvert the “structures of subordination” that led to the violations. 

Firstly, reparations must adopt a broader definition of “victim” to include a broader range of  individuals. Women's voices have expanded the eligibility criteria for reparations, ensuring a  more inclusive approach. Secondly, reparations should not be limited to restoring pre-conflict  conditions, which were often patriarchal and discriminatory, they should face the specific  outbreaks of violence women encounter on a structural level. Crucially, this is exemplified by indigenous women's organizations, who argue that material restitution alone would not benefit  women who were denied land ownership rights or sexual-reproductive rights before the conflict. Therefore, three mechanisms to address systemic inequalities and socio-economic  needs could include the following. First, proving housing, since allocating property  specifically to women, could be one means of challenging gendered property laws. Secondly, compensation, which despite potentially being controversial, can promote women's agency  through the adoption of a microfinance model. Microfinances ensure that women maintain  control and are not dominated by male heads of households. Thirdly, economic development  measures specifically addressed to women are essential, as the economy is often precarious after  a conflict. Measures should include funds by the government to launch income-generating activities, ensure fair prices in the market, creation of jobs, and skills training for  survivors, among others.  

However, all these economic measures need to come from a redistributive approach, as  highlighted by Andrew Fischer. He emphasizes that international funds frequently perpetuate  neoliberal measures, failing to address class inequalities adequately. While neoliberal reforms  typically focus on austerity and market liberalization, redistributive justice aims to make sure  economic benefits are shared fairly across society, especially in post-conflict areas where  resources are limited and stability is fragile. Furthermore, it is essential to provide health  services to address the physical and mental health needs of the population. For example,  survivors should have preferential access to free health services and psychosocial counselling  within their communities, tailored to their specific context.

Finally, survivors require symbolic mechanisms to restore their dignity and receive a proper  apology. Similarly, there is a general demand that the history of abuses should be included in  school textbooks, monuments should be built, and the bodies of the disappeared people  should be found. While these measures are significant, it is also necessary to prioritize  tangible benefits that address the concrete needs of survivors. It is essential that the  beneficiaries themselves actively participate in defining the priorities and design of these  projects, always taking it into account the need to have an intersectional approach due to the  multiple oppressive structures of society.

2.2. Guarantees of non-repetition 

Guarantees of non-repetition in transitional justice must consider historical, economic, and  social structures, determining how far back to trace the causal factors of violence and human  rights violations. Guarantees of non-repetition are an effective mechanism because they  encourage discussions about the deep-rooted gendered structural causes of violence. Additionally, these guarantees provide a means to address collective needs and work towards  preventing future violence. It is necessary to extend the focus beyond security forces and  courts to address patterns of exclusion, marginalization, discrimination, impunity, and  problematic development patterns that exacerbate these issues. This approach aligns closely  with the perspective of radical feminism, emphasizing the need to identify and address the root causes, particularly economic and social rights violations, through a bottom-up analysis. To  address economic rights and their root causes, it is important to highlight again the  redistributive justice model. This model advocates for progressive taxation and social welfare programs to ensure wealth redistribution. Additionally, it promotes inclusive economic  policies that support local industries and small enterprises, creating jobs and increasing the  economy. Moreover, investing in social infrastructure also helps to empower disadvantaged  groups. 

On top of that, this concept is connected to Nancy Fraser’s Model because it aims to achieve  recognition and redistribution. The primary objective here is more particularized: indeed, it is  aimed to identify specific patterns that predispose to further violations and concentrate efforts  on mitigating these risks. A comprehensive review of all regulatory provisions (constitutional,  civil criminal or administrative, and the provisions of traditional regulatory systems) should be  undertaken to identify and amend those that are discriminatory against women. This is  vital as legal reforms can have an immediate and significant impact by bringing sexual and reproductive violence to the forefront of the national agenda, transitioning from codification to  implementation, and addressing the harms experienced by survivors. Beyond addressing sexual violence, legal reforms can also significantly impact inheritance and  property ownership rights, among other measures. Legal measures would be ineffective if  there were no reforms in the judicial system itself; it is crucial to ensure gender sensitivity through training for judges, or the creation of specialized units. Additionally, the states must  ensure their responsibilities under international law, by applying the Convention for the  Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW, 1979), the Beijing  Declaration and Platform for Action (1995), The UN Model Strategies and Practical Measures on the Elimination of Violence against Women in the Field of Crime Prevention and  Criminal Justice, and the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000). 

Another key feature of these guarantees are measures to prevent future abuses, as Ruth Rubio Marín analyses in her bookWhat Happened to the Women? Gender and Reparations for  Human Rights Violations”, include: establishing effective civilian oversight of military and  security forces, safeguarding human rights defenders, offering human rights education through  campaigns by civil society and government, monitoring of enforcement agencies, and  campaigns to redefine masculinity. Finally, all these measures have to include community  groups to work together in the application of these guarantees, and to make sure the intersectionality approach is taken into account. By including different community groups, it  is possible to make sure all people’s experiences are listened to, and the different discriminations  are covered.  

2.3. Truth and Reconciliation Commissions 

Truth commissions have become a key institutional method for addressing historical injustices.  However, these commissions are applicable based on their suitability for the context, if the  conditions are favourable, and if the society demands it. Truth commissions are meant to document human rights violations, identify those responsible, and provide survivors a platform  to share their experiences. Crucially, truth commissions initiate discussions on past injustices and influence educational materials and collective memory, adapting to meet specific community needs. Priorities must shift from merely addressing past abuses and  creating historical accounts to focusing on the structural challenges and gendered spaces that impede women’s agency in these societies. Following Fraser’s Model, the main goal of this mechanism would be to investigate the different types of violence that women suffer and, subsequently, challenge the conventional divide between public and private spheres. Over time,  there has been significant progress in integrating gender considerations into truth commissions. Initially, commissions in Latin America, like those in Argentina (1983-1984) and Chile (1990-1991), overlooked the importance of gender in their mandates. However, a shift occurred with  the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SATRC) from 1995 to 2000, which  was the first to include specific hearings where women could share their stories and seek justice and reconciliation.

The gender sensitivity of truth commissions is defined by two components: visible inclusion  of women and inclusion of a gender perspective. Ensuring the visible inclusion of women  involves their active presence among truth commissioners, participants, and subjects of  reports. Additionally, incorporating a gender perspective encompasses three key aspects:  addressing gender-specific harms such as sexual violence, recognizing the diverse experiences and identities of women beyond just sexual violence, and considering the gendered roots of  conflict and violence, reflecting on and acknowledging the ongoing nature of gendered  violence.

To implement the feminist perspective in a truth commission’s work, it is necessary to treat  gender both as a cross-cutting theme and a specific focal area in the truth-seeking process. Firstly, it is crucial to ensure the training, recruitment, and appointment of commission  members and staff who are well-prepared and include women. Secondly, it is important to  establish relationships with non-state actors, including women's groups to engage with civil  society, and to develop support structures that include a dedicated gender unit, gender-sensitive  witness protection, and psychosocial support services. Thirdly, a truth commission should ensure thorough reporting that includes dedicated chapters on women's experiences from an  intersectionality approach and incorporates gender analysis throughout the entire document. Finally, a comprehensive “how-to” guide on gender integration is useful, but the complexities of gendered human rights abuses demand context-specific analysis and strategies. Effective  integration requires full engagement from commission staff across all departments. Hearings  should be diverse—public, in-camera, individual, and thematic. Additionally, broader reforms should be proposed to ensure the commission's long-term legacy is responsive to women’s  history and their quest for reform.

2.4. Empowering Women in Transitional Justice: Beyond Victims to Active Agents 

Following Nancy Fraser’s model, representation constitutes a crucial factor to achieving  feminist justice, as it would increase women’s agency. Agency refers to the ability to consent,  dissent, or negotiate to influence and change the existing state of affairs. This capacity can  range from reactive to proactive actions and can be exercised in both formal political arenas  and informal everyday settings, including women's daily lives. Women serve as agents of accountability, social change and duty-bearers. Another approach within feminist  scholarship is the recognition that emphasizing women's sexual victimization further  marginalizes their roles as political agents in post-conflict societies. 

Additionally, echoing Wendy Harcourt's insights, justice cannot be imposed from above nor  can communities be merely 'trained' or 'given capacity' as many external interventions attempt.  Instead, it is crucial to foster strong, collaborative partnerships with communities, build direct  personal relationships, and establish trust. Viewing the delivery of justice as a shared endeavour  between external agents and local communities is essential for meaningful and sustainable change. This approach ensures that women are seen and engaged not just as survivors of  conflict, but as crucial political agents in post-conflict recovery and rebuilding. 

In accordance with the research from the United Nations Women Gender Justice Platform, to  ensure women’s meaningful participation in transitional justice, the following key lessons must be incorporated. First, accommodating intersectionality is essential to address the  diverse experiences of women. Transparent and inclusive selection processes are crucial to  build trust and legitimacy. Efforts must grapple with existing male power structures to create  space for women’s voices. Participation should occur both before and after implementation to  ensure ongoing engagement. The timing of transitional justice processes significantly impacts women’s participation, and they should have opportunities to engage across all stakeholder  typologies. Understanding the gendered social context and grounding transitional justice in local women’s needs and priorities are imperative. Continuous women-inclusive participatory dialogue should be integrated across all phases. 

III. Conclusion 

“It’s important that we just continue soldiering on because there is no choice. There is no choice, I  mean, we can’t just give up.”  

(anonymous) 

Feminist approaches to transitional justice offer more than a gendered perspective, they present a transformative vision for how societies can rebuild after conflict. By questioning dominant legal and political frameworks, feminist thought expands our understanding of justice to include social, economic, and cultural dimensions. These perspectives challenge structural inequalities, emphasize intersectionality, and call for justice processes that are inclusive, participatory, and rooted in lived experience.

While the integration of feminist principles into transitional justice remains an ongoing and often difficult process, it is essential for building sustainable peace. Achieving genuine equality requires more than policy reforms, it demands a reimagining of the systems that uphold injustice. Continuing to centre women's voices, experiences, and agency is not only a matter of representation, it is fundamental to create more equitable and resilient societies in the aftermath of violence. Without a feminist lens, transitional justice will always fall short of true justice.


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Ruth Rubio-Marín (ed.); The Gender of Reparations: Unsettling Sexual Hierarchies While  Redressing Human Rights Violations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. 

Rubio-Marín 2006 

Ruth Rubio-Marín (ed.); What Happened to the Women? Gender and Reparations for Human  Rights Violations. New York: Social Science Research Council, 2006. 

Wandita, Campbell-Nelson & Pereira 2006 

Galuh Wandita, Karen Campbell-Nelson, and Manuela Leong Pereira; “Learning to Engender  Reparations in Timor-Leste: Reaching Out to Female Victims,” in: Ruth Rubio-Marín (ed.);  What Happened to the Women: Gender and Reparations for Human Rights Violations. New  York: Social Science Research Council, 2006. 

- Academic articles: 

Almagro & Schulz 2022 

Maria Martin de Almagro and Philipp Schulz; “Gender and Transitional Justice.” Oxford  Research Encyclopedia of International Studies. Published online: 19 October 2022.  

Balint & McMillan 2022 

Jennifer Balint and Nesam McMillan; Transitional Justice & Historical Redress. Part of the  special series Transitional Justice & Historical Series. 

Berghof Foundation 2023

Berghof Foundation; “The Gender-Transformative Potential of Transitional Justice: How  Dealing with the Past Processes Can Work for and with Women.” Feature, 9 February 2023.  United Nations Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals (MICT). 

Björkdahl & Mannergren Selimovic 2015 

Annika Björkdahl and Johanna Mannergren Selimovic; “Translating UNSCR 1325 from the  Global to the National: Protection, Representation and Participation in the National Action  Plans in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Rwanda.” (2015) 21 Conflict, Security & Development 1. 

Bourguignon 2018 

François Bourguignon; “Spreading the Wealth: Fiscal Instruments Can Reduce Inequality,  but Some Yield Short-Term Results While Others Bear Fruit Over the Long Term.” Finance  & Development 55, no. 1 (March 2018). International Monetary Fund. ISBN:  9781484343418, ISSN: 0015-1947. 

Charlesworth, Chinkin & Wright 1991 

Hilary Charlesworth, Christine Chinkin, and Shelley Wright; “Feminist Approaches to  International Law.” American Journal of International Law, vol. 85, no. 4 (1991). 

Crosby & Lykes 2011 

Alison Crosby and M. Brinton Lykes; “Mayan Women Survivors Speak: The Gendered  Relations of Truth Telling in Postwar Guatemala.” International Journal of Transitional  Justice 5, no. 3 (2011). 

Collins 2000 

Patricia Hill Collins; “Gender, Black Feminism, and Black Political Economy.” The Annals  of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 568 (2000). 

Collins et al. 2021 

Patricia Hill Collins, Emanuelle G. da Silva, Erol Ergun, Inger Furseth, Kevin D. Bond, and  Judith Martínez-Palacios; "Intersectionality as Critical Social Theory." Contemporary  Political Theory 20, no. 3 (2021). 

Gillard 2003 

Emanuela-Chiara Gillard; “Reparation for Violations of International Humanitarian Law.”  International Review of the Red Cross 85, no. 851 (September 2003). 

Gready & Robins 2014 

Paul Gready and Simon Robins; “From Transitional to Transformative Justice: A New  Agenda for Practice.” International Journal of Transitional Justice 8, no. 3 (November  2014). 

Gymiah 2009 

Abigail Gyimah, Gender and Transitional Justice in West Africa: The Cases of Ghana and  Sierra Leone (African Leadership Centre, August 2009). 

Hodgson 2010 

Helen Hodgson; “Theories of Distributive Justice: Frameworks for Equity.” Journal of the  Australasian Tax Teachers Association 5, no. 1 (2010). 

Kabeer 2012 

Naila Kabeer; “Women's Economic Empowerment and Inclusive Growth: Labour Markets  and Enterprise Development.” SIG Working Paper 2012/1, IDRC, 2012. 

Krasniqi, Sokolić & Kostovicova 2020 

Vjollca Krasniqi, Ivor Sokolić, and Denisa Kostovicova; “Skirts as Flags: Transitional  Justice, Gender and Everyday Nationalism in Kosovo.” Nations and Nationalism 26, no. 2  (2020). 

Ní Aoláin & O’Rourke 2010 

Fionnuala Ní Aoláin and Catherine O’Rourke; “Gendered Transitional Justice and the Non State Actor.” Transitional Justice Institute Research Paper No. 10-02, University of  Minnesota – Law.

Ní Aoláin 2012 

Fionnuala Ní Aoláin; “Advancing Feminist Positioning in the Field of Transitional Justice."  The International Journal of Transitional Justice, 6 (2012). 

Opongo 2021 

Elias O. Opongo; “Gendering Transitional Justice Processes in Africa: A Feminist Advocacy  Approach to Truth Commissions.” (2021) 9(s2) Journal of the British Academy 35. 

O'Rourke 2015 

Catherine O'Rourke; “Feminist scholarship in transitional justice: a de-politicising impulse?”  Women's Studies International Forum, vol. 51 (July–August 2015): 118-127. 

Oxford Research Encyclopedia 2022 

“Gender and Transitional Justice.” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of International Studies.  2022. Retrieved from https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.013.669 

Paffenholz 2015 

Thania Paffenholz; “Can Inclusive Peace Processes Work? New Evidence from a Multi-Year  Research Project.” Policy Brief. Geneva: Graduate Institute of International and Development  Studies, April 2015. 

Painter 2012 

Genevieve Renard Painter; “Thinking Past Rights: Towards Feminist Theories of  Reparations.” Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 30 (2012): 1-38. 

Paz y Paz Bailey 2009 

Claudia Paz y Paz Bailey; “Guatemala: Gender and Reparations for Human Rights  Violations,” in: Ruth Rubio-Marín (ed.); The Gender of Reparations: Unsettling Sexual  Hierarchies While Redressing Human Rights Violations. Cambridge: Cambridge University  Press, 2009. 

Reid & Walker 2005 

Graeme Reid and Liz Walker (eds); Men Behaving Differently - South African Men Since  1994. Cape Town: Double Storey Books, 2005. 

Roht-Arriaza 2004 

Naomi Roht-Arriaza; “Reparations Decisions and Dilemmas.” Hastings International and  Comparative Law Review 27 (2004). 

Rubio-Marín 2012 

Ruth Rubio-Marín; “Reparations for Conflict-Related Sexual and Reproductive Violence: A  Decalogue.” William & Mary Journal of Women and the Law, 19, no. 1 (2012). 

Sanchez Parra & Weber 2024

Tatiana Sanchez Parra and Sanne Weber; “Interdisciplinary perspectives on gendered  violence and resistance in Latin America.” (2024) 45(5) Third World Quarterly. 

Silva & Jack 2021 

Viviane Silva and Gavin Jack; “Decolonial Feminist Theory: Embracing the Gendered  Colonial Difference in Management and Organisation Studies.” Gender, Work &  Organization, vol. 28, no. 1 (2021). Available at: https://doi.org/10.1111/gwao.12673

Sharkey & Hawk 2016 

Ginny Sharkey and Taylor Hawk; “What is 'Intersectional Feminism'?” Denison University,  July 26, 2016. Retrieved from: https://denison.edu/academics/womens-gender studies/feature/67969#:~:text=Intersectional%20feminism%20takes%20into%20account,of% 20other%20minority%20groups%20face

Szablewska & Jurasz 2018 

N. Szablewska and O. Jurasz; “Sexual and gender-based violence: the case for transformative  justice in Cambodia.” Global Change, Peace & Security, vol. 31, no. 3 (2018): 263–282.  Available at: https://doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2018.1538117

Williams & Palmer 2016 

Sarah Williams and Emma Palmer; “Transformative Reparations for Women and Girls at the  Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia.” International Journal of Transitional  Justice 10, no. 2 (2016): 311–31. 

Young 2000 

Iris Marion Young; Inclusion and Democracy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. 

Others sources: 

- Reports/policies: 

Nesiah et al. 2006 

Vasuki Nesiah et al.; Truth Commissions and Gender: Principles, Policies, and Procedures.  New York: International Center for Transitional Justice, July 2006.

Quast 2008 

Shelby Quast; “Justice Reform and Gender,” in: Megan Bastick and Kristin Valasek (eds);  Gender and Security Sector Reform Toolkit. Geneva: DCAF, OSCE/ODIHR, UN INSTRAW, 2008. 

Salvioli 2024 

Fabián Salvioli; The gender perspective in transitional justice processes: note by the  Secretary-General, 2024. 

Special Rapporteur 2020 

Special Rapporteur on truth, justice, and reparation; Report on gender perspective in  transitional justice processes. Presented to the 75th session of the GA, 17 July 2020.  

United Nations 2022 

United Nations; Women’s Meaningful Participation in Transitional Justice: Advancing  Gender Equality and Building Sustainable Peace. 2022. 

United Nations 2004 

United Nations, Secretary-General. “El Estado de derecho y la justicia de transición en las  sociedades que sufren o han sufrido conflictos” (S/2004/616, párrafo 8). 

UN OHCHR 2011 

UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights; “Report of the Panel on Remedies  and Reparations for Victims of Sexual Violence in the Democratic Republic of Congo to the  High Commissioner for Human Rights.” March 2011. 

World Health Organization 

World Health Organization; Promoting Gender Equality to Prevent Violence Against Women.  WHO Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data. 

- Websites: 

Fischer 

Professor Andrew Fischer; “Redistribution and the Need for Profound Economic  Transformation.” Retrieved from: https://www.iss.nl/en/news/redistribution-and-need profound-economic-transformation 

ICTJ n.d. 

International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ); “What is Transitional Justice?,” retrieved  from https://www.ictj.org/what-is-transitional-justice

International Justice Resource Center 2021 

International Justice Resource Center; “Truth and Reconciliation Commissions.” IJRCenter,  25 May 2021. Retrieved from: https://ijrcenter.org/cases-before-national-courts/truth-and reconciliation-commissions/

Mader 2018 

K. Mader; Mapping Women, Peace and Security in the UN Security. NGO Working Group  on Women, Peace and Security, 2018. Retrieved from: 

https://www.womenpeacesecurity.org/files/NGOWG-Mapping-WPS-inUNSC-2018.pdf

Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights; Rule-of-Law Tools for  Post-Conflict States: Truth Commissions (2006). 

Scanlon 2008

H. Scanlon; "Militarization, gender and transitional justice in Africa." Feminist Africa, vol.  10 (August 2008): 31–48. Retrieved from,  http://www.iiav.nl/ezines/web/FeministAfrica/2008/No10.pdf#page=37

United States Institute of Peace 2008 

United States Institute of Peace. Transitional Justice: Information Handbook. September  2008. Retrieved from 

https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/ROL/Transitional_justice_final.pdf 

Valji 2012 

Nahla Valji; A Window of Opportunity: Making Transitional Justice Work for Women. 2nd  ed. (October 2012), with input from Romi Sigsworth and Anne Marie Goetz. Retrieved from: https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/Library/Pub lications/2012/10/WPSsourcebook-06B-TransitionalJusticeWork4Women-en.pdf

- Thesis: 

Honda 2019 

Masumi Honda; Assessing the Impact of Gender Sensitive Truth Commissions: Comparative  Analysis of South Africa and Sierra Leone. Master's Thesis, Spring 2019.


About the author:

María Prieto Sánchez holds a Double Degree in European and Spanish Law from Universidad Autónoma de Madrid and Maastricht University. She is currently pursuing two master's degrees: one in Access to the Legal Profession and another in Human Rights and Democratization at the Global Campus of Human Rights.

Her experience includes working as a research assistant, interning at the Human Rights Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and volunteering with NGOs focused on combating gender-based violence.

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